On Wednesday’s Mark Levin Show, The Biden State Department blocked any additional investigation by the United States into the origins of the coronavirus following Dr. Fauci’s admission that his organization did in fact modestly fund some of the research grants at the Wuhan Institute of Virology and the Biden Administration is now covering it up. Later, the media mocked President Trump and Sen. Tom Cotton for suggesting the coronavirus leaked from the Wuhan Institute of Virology. Shouldn’t the scientists know about which grants they have issued and to whom? Hower eco-Health Alliance in New York did receive a grant and used it for gain of function research on the coronavirus. Fauci’s response was dishonest. Afterward, Sen Mike Lee calls in to discuss why the innovation and competition act is the wrong way to beat China. Instead of chilling innovation and competition, we ought to decentralize power and champion trust in the private sector. Lee added that Biden’s nominee to head the ATF is one of the worst he’s ever seen, especially on the second amendment. Finally, Curtis Sliwa, candidate for Mayor of New York City, joins the show to discuss how he will stop the crime in NYC.
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Rough transcript of Hour 1
Hour 1 Segment 1
We have a very important show for you today. I will note this, ladies and gentlemen, we did this long form interview for a full hour with a former senior editor. For science at The New York Times since retired from The New York Times, also a prominent writer for Nature magazine and Science magazine, and interviewed this man, Nicholas Wade, who spent. A year investigating. The source. Of the coronavirus. And I was tipped off to his piece because I don’t normally read the Bulletin of Atomic Science. But people were reading it, it was on the Internet. People at Fox were reading it, people on talk radio were reading it. Republicans on Capitol Hill were reading it and they were using it. But I was tipped off to him by my friend David Berlinski, one of the most brilliant man I’ve ever talked to. He was on life, liberty and love in a few years back. He’s really a significant intellectual, and he said, you need to read this hard. I read this article. And I said to our Fox production team, let’s get Mr. Wade on our Sunday show. And the benefit of the Sun show is it is a truly long form interview show. I know there are those saying, hey, I get to do long form interview shows, I’ve been doing this now for five years. The long form interviews is what I grew up with, or the long form debate shows not a conga line of guests flowing through each getting three or four minutes, not 15 topics at a time. We do two at the most, but I prefer to do one. Nicholas Wade was not known to the country before I interviewed him on Sunday. But he’s known now. And for the. For the Democrat Party media, he gave some legitimacy to questions being raised about the source of this virus. That is the strong possibility it would be a lab and zero evidence that it was natural animal to human. And his piece was 1,000 words long, it was 50 pages. And most people on radio and TV don’t have the patience to read something like that, but I did and I had them on Sunday and you will notice. That since that Sunday show, by the way, I want to give Howard Kurtz and prepare a hat tip. I believe they’re the only people on in broadcasting that actually cited the interview with Nicholas Wade because it was a very, very important interview, not because it was my show or I was asking questions, but because what he was saying. And so no longer could this be excused as a crackpot or kook theory. I understand others had raised questions, wondered whether it came from the lab, suggests that it might, but they didn’t have the substantive and technical background. Can provide it with any support. Nicholas Wade did, and Nicholas Wade looked at the grant that was given by falsies operation to this third party in New York. For the purpose of conducting the kind of scientific activity. That would lead to the increased lethality of a coronavirus. From the Wolfhound lab in northern China. So he had a lot of dots, a lot of dots were connected. We don’t have a lot of people talking about this. Because they’re now inhaling the fumes and feeling the dust. That’s why I try to use this Sunday’s show to do very important things. And since that Sunday show, you will notice. This issue has spread through the body politic. It has spread even through the liberal media. That is the Marxist media. As if a match had just been lit. I don’t care who the first one to bring it up was or the fifth one to bring it up. This isn’t about positioning and creating narratives, patting hosts on the back of the head. It was this man, what he wrote. And obviously giving it the attention it deserved, taking it from the Bulletin of Atomic Science. And putting it on Fox. On the biggest show on Sunday night. Sometimes the biggest show on Sunday. And spreading the word. And I knew it was important, and that’s why I encouraged you to watch it. And so now there’s enormous talk about the origins of the coronavirus, not just in conservative media, not just speculation, not just a little piece of information here, there. But very, very serious, substantive information raising important questions. We know that the Biden State Department now blocked. Blocked a further investigation into the source of the coronavirus when Biden came into office. We know that he spoke. Kept dismissing questions about investigating, it will go ask China will go as China. That’s like asking the wall. And so today. Wednesday, three short days after that Sunday interview. And the fact you. That is, we the people want some answers. The media in the press room today. Even the Democrat Party provide media were peppering the substitute spokes idiot with lots of questions. The media. They did dismiss this as a conspiracy theory for reasons we discussed the other day and Mr. Wade discussed with me on Sunday. Is now trying to cover its tracks and so is Joe Biden. Because Joe Biden today. Ordered a 90 day investigation by his intelligence agencies to try and come up with an answer. I know the answer and so do you. This was a cover up by people who were involved in the grant process. It was a cover up by the media because they tried to use whatever they could to destroy Donald Trump and blame him for the virus. Was a cover up by Fauci. Now, what do I mean by that? First of all, she was unaware of any funding. As you may hear later, if I have time, his boss, the director of the National Institutes of Health, said, yes, they issued a grant and yes, some of that money went to that lab. And, yes, some of that money could have been used. To create, I repeat, create a more lethal virus from the coronaviruses that they had collected. We’ll continue to press. We’ll continue to press them only on Fox once a week, because that’s all I want to be on and behind radio and microphone five days a week, we will keep pressing. The backbenchers are listening. And by the way, people ask, who’s the backbencher? You can tell who the backbenchers are. We talk about critical race theory now, critical race theories out there. When I do that Sunday interview now, everybody wants an answer. Now when we come back. I have an important pattern of events that I want to discuss with you, and, of course, I’ll tell you in our third hour, we have two terrific guests. We have Senator Mike Lee, who was did a hell of a job today on the Hill. And courteously, I think the whole country knows what Curtis Silwa is, he’s actually running for the Republican nomination for mayor in New York. And I like Curtis a lot, I think he’d be a great mayor, had a real hard on for Trump, I think that might hurt him, but we’ll see. I’ll be right back.
Hour 1 Segment 2
Many of you have been listening to this program to me for almost 20 years. Many of you know me way back when when I was the legal director for the legal division of Rush Limbaugh’s show, all of them, but we have people who come and go. And so maybe they don’t know a whole lot about me. And I want to point this out for a reason. I didn’t come to broadcasting as a professional broadcaster. I came to broadcasting. As an activist. As a constitutional lawyer. I came to broadcasting very, very reluctantly. But then it turns out I was pretty good at. There’s a few things, those of you who are new to this broadcast, I want you to know and I want you to know this again, there’s a reason those of you who’ve been here a while, just bear with me. There are few, if any, radio hosts or television hosts. Who’ve been actively involved in seminal movements in this country. As a young man, I was involved in the Reagan revolution in 1976 trying to feed Gerald Ford in the Republican primary. In a 1980 when we succeeded. When I was 19 years old in law school, I ran from my local school board because taxes were through the roof, property taxes the teachers union had taken over. I was in law school. The Republican Party supported me somewhat reluctantly as a conservative who was a bedroom community outside of Philadelphia. Jewish, German, Irish, Italian. I’d say only about six, seven percent minority Tyrolean. But I had to form an organization on my own to make sure I could turn out the vote called the Committee for Tax Limitation. And we went after the teacher’s union and we went after the administration and we went after the courses that they were offering, not critical race theory, but some rotten courses. And we’ve built a movement. And I won that election by a landslide. Now, again, I’m not saying this, look at me and making a point to stick with me. When I finally settled down, I decided when I wanted to do as a career. I became involved in the landmark legal foundation, eventually president of Landmark Legal Foundation. I didn’t go off and make half a million dollars at a law firm or anything, I used and wanted to work with this foundation to make a difference. And we brought. And Casey’s. Against the Environmental Protection Agency, which was held in contempt against the Internal Revenue Service. We filed tax complaints against the National Education Association. We filed a complaint after complaint against the Clinton administration. One complaint we filed with a federal judge in Arkansas, Susan Wright, resulted in Bill Clinton being held in civil contempt. I also represented Attorney General Ed Meese in the Iran-Contra matter. As well as other matters involving other individuals. This is in my blood. This is who I am. Now, I can’t do a hallmark, this is Mark’s life story because who cares? But John Boehner. Despises me and picks me out from the others for a reason. I was part of the Tea Party revolution, not a witness, not a broadcaster, but part of it. When liberty and tyranny came out. I got behind that move when I spoke at rallies for that movement. I helped create the Convention of States movement with the Liberty Amendments. It’s a fantastic moment, I want us to keep pushing it to be 15 states or so have joined. With very little. Money. And so forth. From liberty and tyranny and the Tea Party movement. To the Liberty Amendments and the Convention of States movement. To the Reagan revolution, to the Tea Party movement. I’ve been an activist. Now, why does this matter? It matters, ladies and gentlemen, because we’re in a point in our country now. What we need to organize. You’re getting people coming on TV and radio. We’re throwing ideas at you. I guess they’re good, some of them may be great. But they’re not activists. They’re commentators. Most of them haven’t participated in any of these. Counter revolutions to the. Rising Marxist movement in this country. John Boehner. Quite frankly, I worked with Mark Meadows to topple John Boehner. And he was toppled because he was no damn good. Because he went to war against the Tea Party. The establishment Republicans hate me. Because they know that you loved Knights of the True Warrior, those of you in this audience are the great patriots. Now, why does any of this matter? It matters because I’m going to explain it to you after the bottom of the hour. So please stick with me. A little forbearance, please. I’ll be right back.
Hour 1 Segment 3
You’re going to stick with this program. Please stick with it this hour, because it takes me time to develop this a little bit. I’m not a ping pong ball jumping from issue to issue. Twelve years ago, liberty and tyranny, many of you purchased that book, but whether you did or not is of no consequence. I’m just pointing it out. It was 12 years ago and actually the title was Liberty and Tyranny. A Conservative Manifesto. I wrote this book having no idea about the Tea Party because there was no Tea Party when I started this book, because the rhinos, McCain and others were trying to redefine conservatism and I’d had enough of it. Bill Kristol was trying to redefine conservatism and I’d had enough of it. And I always wanted to write a book about conservatism. So liberty and tyranny, the tyranny being the statists, I said, I’m not going to call them progressives, I’m going to call them statists, if the word was good enough for Aristotle, it was good enough for me. My editor at the time said, what’s the status of the word statist and statism popularized by this book was not used back then. I thought it should be reintroduced into the body politic because that’s what we’re dealing with. So the last chapter of the book is the Conservative Manifesto. And I go through a number of areas which I won’t do with you taxation, environment, judges, the administrative, state government, education, immigration, entitlements, foreign policy and security, faith and religion and the Constitution. And the Constitution and even back then, I’m warning about the changes we’re seeing in this country and many of you saw them to. Many of you saw them to. In part, here’s what I said. I’m not going to get into each one of the issues because it’s not necessary. Republicans seem clueless on how to slow, contain and reverse the status agenda. They seem to fear returning to first principles lest they be rejected by the electorate, so prefer to tinker ineffectively and timidly on the edges. As such, they are not abandoning. Are they not abandoning what they claim to support? If the bulk of the people reject the civil society for the statist utopia, preferring subjugation to citizenship, then the end is near anyway. But even in winning an election, governing without advancing first principles is a hollow victory, indeed, it’s imprudence, a self-evident. This is not the way of the conservative, it is the way of the neo status, and that is what I’ve been calling rhinos neo status, because in effect, they defend that which the left has created. Subservient to a so-called reality created by the status rather than the reality of unalienable rights created granted by the creator. So what can be done? I asked back then. I don’t pretend to have all the answers and the act of writing a book places practical limits on what can be said at a given time. But I do have some thoughts. The conservative must become more engaged in public matters. It is his nature to live and let live, to attend to his family, to volunteer time with his church and synagogue, and to quietly assist a friend, neighbor, even a stranger. These are certainly admirable qualities that contribute to the overall health of the community. But it is no longer enough. The statist counterrevolution has turned the instrumentalities of public affairs and public governance against the civil society. Twelve years ago. They can no longer be left to the devices of the status, which is largely the case today. This will require a new generation of conservative activists, larger in number, shrewder, more articulate than before, who seek to blunt the statist counterrevolution, not imitate it, and gradually and steadily reverse course. More conservatives than before will need to seek elective and appointed office for the ranks of the administrative state, hold teaching positions in public schools and universities, and find positions in Hollywood, in the media where they can make a difference in infinite ways. The status doesn’t have a birthright ownership to these institutions. The conservative must fight for them, mold them and where appropriate, eliminate them, where they are destructive to the preservation and improvement of the civil society. Parents and grandparents must take it upon themselves to teach their children and grandchildren to believe in and appreciate the principles of the American civil society and stress the importance of preserving and improving the society. They will need to teach their offspring that the status threatens their generation’s liberty and prosperity and to resist ideologically alluring trends and fads. Parents and grandparents by the millions can counteract the status, indoctrination of their children and grandchildren in government schools and by other status institutions simply by conferring their knowledge, beliefs and ideals on them over the dinner table, in the car or bedtime. And if undertaken on an intimate, purposeful and consistent basis, it will shape a generation of new conservatives. And education should not stop at the front door. We the people, are a vast army of educators and communicators when the occasion arises and conversations with neighbors, friends, co-workers and others take the time to explain our principles and their value to the individual family and society generally. We should acquire knowledge outside the status universe that conservatives should not ignore the media, Hollywood government, schools and universities, but they should not be the primary sources of information that shape the conservatives worldview. Technology has made access to an unprecedented wealth of resources that contribute to the conservatives understanding, and I list a number of papers and websites and so forth. The status has also become masterful at controlling the public vocabulary, for example, when challenged on global warming, back then climate change wasn’t in. He accuses the skeptic of being a denier, favouring corporate polluters or being against saving the planet. Draconian measures that threaten liberty and prosperity, such as cap and trade are marketed at appealing and benign slogans such as going green. And of course, the status never destroy he reforms, he never disenfranchises, he empowers. The conservative must take heart from and learn the lessons of his nation’s history, and I go on and I will stop here, but I. Broke this into 10 parts, as I said earlier, the conservative manifesto on things we must do must do under each one of those subdirectories. But today, it’s not enough. It’s not enough. I think it was the third book I wrote. The Liberty Amendments. Maybe it was the fourth. And I’m not going to read Robert. But I looked at. Convention of states that’s provided for in Article five, which I had opposed all my life, and I read it, studied it, and I said, why am I opposing this? After all, the framers put it in here for a reason and they tell us why they put it in here. They voted on it. On the floor of the Pennsylvania assembly building in Philadelphia. The first chapter was Restoring the American Republic, the second chapter was an amendment to establish term limits for members of Congress. The third chapter in attempt to restore the Senate, that is whether state legislatures select senators. The fourth chapter, an amendment to establish term limits for Supreme Court justices and supermajority legislative override. Now, this commission that Biden has put together may support term limits for Supreme Court justices, but they’re not going to support what I support. That’s something that should be installed. Twenty years hence. So you can advance that cause today. We’re 20 years from now. Not today for today, where the Democrats will use to pack the court. And I also made the case that with a three fifths supermajority Congress or three or three fifths of the state legislatures could overturn a Supreme Court decision, not rewrite it, not change it, but overturn it. We are representative republic, we cannot put up with judicial tyranny either. Chapter five was two amendments to limit federal spending and taxing. Unfortunately, if they had been in place, we wouldn’t be seeing what we see today. Chapter six, an amendment to limit the federal bureaucracy’s power. Chapter seven, an amendment to promote commerce through commerce. I call it promote free enterprise. Chapter eight, an amendment to protect private property. Chapter nine, an amendment to grant the state’s authority to directly amend the Constitution, same supermajority, no. But without Congress participation. Chapter 10, an amendment to grant the states the authority to check Congress, that is to even overwrite. Certain congressional legislation with a supermajority and then finally and presciently, actually an amendment to protect the vote. An entire chapter on what we need to do to ensure the integrity of our voting system, that was proposal number 11 amendment. Pretty good, right? But it’s not enough. It’s not enough anymore. Those are my proposals, but we only have 15 states at a 34. That have signed on to the convention of states. We should continue to do this. But we need to address the urgency of the moment. And so you can see in these books, I not only write. From a scholarly or kind of intellectual perspective, but I want to put it in plain English and I have ideas. You’re hearing more and more the word Marxist in the word Marxism. On Fox and on talk radio. Not democratic socialism, not progressivism, not liberalism. It is my intent to take our language back. It is my intent. To take our country back. Not based on race, based on liberty. I know exactly what I’m doing behind this microphone. I’m not perfect. I make mistakes. I’m trying to drive the discussion. As I told you, I’m an activist. I’m trying to drive the substance. And this is why you see things happening. This is why you hear what I say behind this microphone. Again, it’s not Mark aren’t the greatest that has nothing to do with this. I’ve spent a year writing this book, American Marxism, and I stopped multiple times. I stop when my little buddy Barney passed away. I stopped. Another matter came up. I stopped to watch this election. But I’ve been working on it ever since, especially the last six months. And I’ve done everything I can in this book, which to me is the catalyst for pushing the agenda, the catalyst for building the movement. Everything I can think of. It’s the longest book I’ve ever written, as I told you. But it’s not long enough. And in the final chapter, after discussing who it is that seeks to destroy your liberty, your security, your property rights, who it is, it seeks to destroy the minds of your children. Our economic system. Who it is that is defaming you and character assassinating you as if they’re segregationists and racists because they are. Laying it out. I get hasn’t been laid out anywhere before. Not like this. And there have been some great writers, so this is not a putdown. And then it culminates into the final chapter, as it does with the final chapter of liberty and tyranny. Was suggestion’s. The suggestions aren’t meant to be. All the suggestions with a final suggestions. But they’re meant to be. Serious. Possible. Actions that we can take as an army of patriots. This book really will be volume one. I’m sure I’m going to need to write a volume to. I’m telling you all this. Because I want you to have a little bit of hope, I want you to know I’m not behind this microphone as a gas bag or full of hot air. That I live what I say. I don’t just say it, move on to the next job or to the next issue or whatever. I believe this with my heart and soul. I have children to. I have grandchildren to. I see what’s happening to. What these politicians, what these Marxists, the various walks of life are doing to our country. It’s a sin. It’s a moral. They’re using freedom. They’re using the civil society, they’re using the Bill of Rights to destroy them all. I see it. You see it. I know it. And I got sick and tired of watching it. Talking about it is important. As you know, ideas have consequences. I’ll be right back.
Hour 1 Segment 4
We’re going to get on to some other things, the rest of the show here. I just want to give you some hope, that’s all. There are things that are going on in the country sporadically, a couple of school boards, some parents groups. These are wonderful signs. But we can’t. Expected to feed a well-organized, heavily funded. Ideological movement sporadically. Sporadically, so we want to have ideas, we want to have approaches. That will confront these movements now, I’ll be perfectly honest with you, I don’t see us making a lot of progress in Democrat strongholds in places like Minneapolis or Los Angeles. Or Atlanta. And so forth. And it’s a damn shame. It’s a damn shame maybe if we ever control the federal government, we can do something more about it. We should I think people say where to go into these areas and campaign. Maybe it will turn the vote. I think that’s very unlikely. Donald Trump did as much as anybody can do, far more than Barack Obama did for many of these communities. But when you don’t control the local politics, when you don’t control the media, when education becomes propaganda, it becomes very difficult, doesn’t it? Becomes very difficult. I’m not talking about who lives in these communities, I’m talking about the power of the party. The party, the Democrat Party, controls these communities, there are some where maybe we have a fighting chance, but not yet. But outside the many of the inner cities, these battles are taking place because the indoctrination is taking place in all the classrooms. The attack on capitalism through so-called climate change is taking place in all these places. The effects of open borders. It’s taking place on all these places. Ideological drives on transgenderism or what have you. Trying to impose it on society that’s taking place in all these places, that is the entire country. So it’s not something we can ignore. It’s not something we should ignore. But what concerns me is we’re going to see more bifurcation, more division, because as an example, the Chicago schools with that mayor and then the political leaders there, they’ll continue to push critical race theory, even if it’s defeated in a place like Kansas. There’s nothing we can do about that right now. We got to get our legs. We have to learn to walk, and then we need to sprint. We’ve got a lot more issues. I’m going to hammer them when we come back. We’ll be right.